Expletive negation in exclamatives – Evidence from Hungarian

Abstract This paper examines expletive negation in root clauses (surprise sentences and wh-exclamatives) Hungarian. We argue that Hungarian has three distinct positions, each corresponding to a truth-reversal operation on different level. When the negator nem ‘no’ is merged CP layer (in head position of Speaker Deixis Phrase), this yields surprise sentences, at level presuppositions (expletive negation). The being as NegP within extended TP standard (at propositional level). In wh-exclamatives, head-adjoined T 0 , which results implicatures addition pointing out mapping between syntactic semantic-pragmatic interpretation, we also data from present strong case against raising analysis negation.